Friday, January 25, 2013

Bolshevism and Societal Collapse

Every once in a while I get an inkling, a premonition? Or maybe just curiosity to go searching into a subject that I'm not familiar with because something in current events has prompted me. Recent events here in America seem to remind me of something I read back in high school history class about the Bolsheviks and the Russian Revolution of 1917. I Found myself wondering do we have the forgotten spirits of the Bolsheviks here among us influencing social, cultural and political events?

The more I thought about it the stronger the urge became to get brushed up on my Russian Revolution history. After a little bit of online research I discovered the name of the foremost authority on the Russian Revolution in Western culture. His name is Richard Pipes. He has written three major works about the Russian Revolution: The Russian Revolution, Russia under the Bolshevik Regime and Three “Whys” of the Russian Revolution. I ordered two of them; The Russian  Revolution and Three “Whys” of the Russian Revolution

The last of these being only 80 pages in length, I dove right in. By page 5 my blood was chilled. It was pretty much just the creeps until I got to page 40. Now I feel compelled to share with everyone this resource. The parallels between our current administration and the Bolshevik party warrant discussion. I would like to include a few excerpts from the book. I strongly encourage anyone reading this to order online "Three Whys of the Russian Revolution". In 80 pages you should be sufficiently alarmed.

The first excerpt is on page 40 describing Lenin:

**Lenin treated politics as warfare. Of course, all Marxists did so in a sense; to the Marxists, politics means class war. But the others did not take this dictum quite as literally as did Lenin. Whereas they thought of it as ordinary conflict, he and he alone saw its purpose as conquering power and annihilating all rivals. By annihilation, he meant, not merely eliminating them as competitors, but physically exterminating them. Such a view of politics, of course, gave Lenin great advantages in the struggle for power. Once power was gained, however, and the adversary was "conquered," such a view provided no guidance for running a society.**

Our current president has taken a lesson from Vladimir Lenin. Class war is a tool. The description continues on page 42:

**Lenin saw himself as the commander-in-chief of a organization committed to permanent political warfare. He unquestionably excelled in this particular pursuit. In the concluding chapter of Russia under the Bolshevik Regime, I maintain that he was never an outstanding statesman – he had few constructive ideas – but that he was one of the great conquerors of world history, a man who vanquished his own country in a way that no one before him had even attempted. The rival parties, the Socialists and, to some extent, the liberals, were populist, believing in the innate wisdom of the Russian people. They were not prepared to fight, and they lost out to a politician for whom struggle was a normal occupation, and peace emir breathing spell for war.**

If ever there was an organization bent on and committed to permanent political warfare it is the Democratic machine we are watching in operation right now. A good example of this is the reemergence of the issue of women in combat. The issue was settled some 10 to 12 years ago but not satisfactorily for the liberals and progressives in the Democratic Party. Here we are again fighting over the same issue that society had concluded a decade ago. This is permanent political warfare. On page 43 the description continues:

**Another advantage of Lenin's derived from the fact that he did not care about Russia. He cared about Germany and England in the sense that, for him, as a revolutionary, they were the key countries. Russia he viewed as nothing more than a stepping stone to global upheaval; a backward country, populated mainly by an uncouth rural "petty bourgeoisie" in the shape of self-sufficient "middle" peasants and "kulaks." Such a country could not make a world revolution: at best, it could serve as a spark that would set off the powder keg abroad. In his view, Russia was the weak link in the chain of world imperialism, the snapping of which would unleash upheavals in the heart of Europe. It was a profound personal tragedy for him that his expectations in this respect were not met and the Revolution remained confined to Russia and her colonies.
                Because he did not care about his country, Lenin was prepared to promise everybody whatever they wanted without giving much thought to the future. The peasants wanted private land for their communes? Let them take it: eventually all the land will be confiscated and collectivized anyway. Until then, "looting the loot" will win over, or at least neutralize, the peasantry. The workers demand to run the factories? Even though "workers control" is a detestable syndico- anarchist slogan, there is no harm in granting their desires – for the time being. Once industries have been nationalized and subjected to a general economic plan of production, "workers control" will vanish of itself. The soldiers clamor for peace? Give them peace; when the "proletarian dictatorship" is firmly in power, they will be duly mobilized for the global Civil War. The national minorities call for independence? By all means: they only have to ask. The "right of national self-determination," including separate statehood, is guaranteed, with the tacit understanding that, if exercised, it will be overruled by the superior right of "proletarian self determination." This purely tactical approach to all political problems was an enormous boon because no other party in Russia was prepared to engage in such demagoguery. Of course when the promissory notes were presented for payment later on, Lenin had to default, alienating all those who, passively or actively, had helped him come to power and forcing him to install a totalitarian regime which had not been his intention.**

It cannot be disputed that no other president in American history has promised so much to so many with no thought of how this will affect the future, just like Lenin.

And there's a lot to argue over whether Mr. Obama cares for this country or not. His being raised overseas with all his childhood memories abroad has at the least lessened his sentimental ties to an American raising and traditional values. After his election, his wife articulated the fact that she had never been proud of this country until he was elected. This speaks volumes of her sentiment toward America. And what else can we take from the fact that Mr. Obama spent 20 years under the pastor of “God bless America? No! God d**n America…”  More evidence is easy to find.  Mr. Obama's disdainful remarks about those who would "cling to God and their guns" is another revealing statement about his sentiment toward average Americans. It apparently parallels Lenin's thoughts of his “countrymen.”  

There are some striking differences between early 1900’s  Russia and the United States, however. For one, citizens of the United States have experienced and enjoyed all the amenities of real freedom. According to Natan Sharansky once you have tasted freedom, you will never be happy without it. And enslaving a people who have known real freedom is no small task. Yet we see the same tactics being used here in the US by an administration who has promised "fundamental transformation."

Please, please, please acquire this book. It is only 80 pages. Its contents may prevent us from experiencing a 70 year black abyss comparable to what Russia experienced or worse.

Bolshevism thrives and grows in a culture of discontent, dissatisfaction and conflict between subgroups of a society. It is simply a means for a narcissist to promote himself by creating crisis and dissension then taking full advantage to elevate himself to power.

Friends, unless I'm terribly mistaken the seeds of Bolshevism have been sewn here in our country. A second term to this administration will allow the crop to break ground. How will we respond?

Always remember we are Americans. Truly, united we stand. Disrespecting one another and disregarding the boundary markers our Founders left us in our State Papers will prove disastrous. Sound moral guidance, love for our fellow citizens is an antidote to Bolshevism. God help us to see in each other a God given, inherent value. Freedom is the longing of every human heart. It is not easy to obtain or maintain. Cling to it with all your might. Fight all that threatens it. Anyone who does not trust you with freedom should not be trusted of given the privilege of leadership.

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